Teacher Pensions Blog

  • Last year was a good year for public pensions. Two-thirds of state pension plans improved after the stock market boosted returns. For the first time since the recession, total funding increased, rising from 72 to 74 percent. (But not all places are continuing to see good returns and past debt still remains.)

    But even despite a year of improved returns, the real question lingers. Are these plans really working for workers?

    For most teachers, the answer is a flat no

    Pension plans inherently structure benefits in a way that shortchanges both early and mid-career teachers (or anyone who stay less than 30 years in a single system). Over half of new teachers won’t meet their state’s minimum service or vesting requirements. Seventeen states require a teacher to serve for 10 years just to qualify for any benefit at all. Even for teachers who do remain long enough to qualify, the odds are they’ll end up paying more in contributions and interest than what they’ll get back in return from the state, ending with a negative return

    After the recession, plans have only gotten worse for new hires. In Massachusetts, the state has cut benefits down so much that new teachers never break even on their contributions. Instead, these teachers are net contributors to the plan, essentially paying a tax penalty just to teach. Plans may be hitting better investment returns, but this doesn’t directly impact the quality of benefits teachers receive because benefits are set by a predetermined formula. 

    There are better alternatives that can provide teachers with adequate benefits while still being affordable to the state. It doesn’t make sense to continue chasing stock returns and riskier investments for a system that doesn’t work for most of its members. While it’s definitely a good thing plans are improving in funding, it’s worthwhile to take a step back and assess whether most workers are even benefiting from public pension plans. 

  • Fifteen states penalize teachers by not providing Social Security coverage. Seventeen states require teachers to serve at least ten years for a pension. But four states have decided to link these two regressive policies together. Connecticut, Georgia, Illinois, and Massachusetts don't offer Social Security to their teachers and make them wait 10 years to earn even a minimum pension.

    Unlike the private sector, states can set the service requirements for a pension as high as they want. Some states have set relatively long service requirements. Failing to meet these service requirements (also called vesting) means a teacher won’t qualify for any benefits at retirement. Connecticut, Georgia, and Massachusetts have for the past several decades required their teachers to serve a minimum of 10 years before offering any benefits at retirement. Illinois recently joined the group by increasing their service requirement from five years to 10.

    What does this mean for these teachers? Teachers in these states can teach for up to 9 years without earning any employer-provided benefits. They won’t meet requirements to qualify for a pension. And they also won’t have Social Security to fall back on, because neither they nor their employers contribute to the federal program.

    The chart below shows the percentage of new teachers the state assumes will actually qualify for a pension and teach until the plan’s set retirement age.

    Teachers in These 4 States Lose Out on Pension Benefits AND Social Security*

    State

    Minimum Service Requirements to Receive a Pension

    Percentage Who Meet the Minimum Service Requirements

    Plan’s Retirement Age

    Percentage Who Will Reach Their Plan’s Retirement Age

    Social Security Coverage

    Connecticut

    10 Years

    54.8

    60

    33.6

    None

    Georgia

    10 Years

    34.5

    55

    20.6

    Most districts do not provide coverage

    Illinois

    10 Years

    38.0

    67

    18.5

    None

    Massachusetts

    10 Years

    35.6

    60

    16.6

    None

     

    Source: State comprehensive annual financial reports and teacher retirement plans.

    The percentage of these “double losers” is shockingly high. In Massachusetts, only 36 percent of all new teachers will meet the minimum requirements to receive a pension. This means that 64 percent of the state’s new teachers won’t get any pension benefits at retirement. And they won’t receive any Social Security benefits. In Illinois, 6 out of 10 new teachers also lose out on pensions and Social Security.

    These double losers don’t exist in the private sector. Unlike the public sector, all private sector employers must provide their workers with Social Security benefits. While not all private companies provide their workers with a retirement plan, those that do cannot set service requirements above five years. These states may be cutting corners and saving in the short-term, but their new teachers are paying the ultimate cost.

    *Up until 2013, Rhode Island set their service requirements for a pension at 10 years while not offering their teachers Social Security. In 2013, Rhode Island passed legislation that placed new teachers in a hybrid plan with a lower service requirement of 5 years for the defined benefit portion of the plan and 3 years for the defined contribution portion of the plan. While a historic step, Rhode Island could go one step further and offer Social Security to all of their teachers.

     

  • The Brookings Institute hosted an event on state retirement security yesterday, including a panel on Social Security coverage for state and local workers. A quarter of all state and local government workers—including over 1 million public school teachers—are not covered by the federal program.  
     
    Universal Social Security would provide a number of benefits for new workers and the program itself by:
    • Providing workers with portable, inflation-protected benefits based on a progressive formula.
    • Reducing the program’s long-term shortfall and extending solvency and fairly distributing legacy costs.
    • Eliminating obscure provisions, like GPO and WEP, that reduce benefits for workers with mixed coverage.
    • Ensuring that all public workers, including teachers, are on a path to a secure retirement.
     
    There are, of course, some tradeoffs. Pension plans in states without Social Security tend to offer larger state pension benefits to compensate for the lack of Social Security and would likely be reduced with the addition to Social Security (note: if Social Security were expanded to only new hires, existing workers could remain in their existing plans). Moreover, state and local government employer and employees would need to pay contributions to the federal program.
     
    But the benefits may outweigh the costs. As the presenter, William Gale, explained, if we were designing Social Security today from scratch, it wouldn’t make any sense to leave out a quarter of state workers. Today, teachers without coverage are left to rely on their state or local pension plan, which unfortunately, provide inadequate benefits for the majority. Workers today need consistent, reliable benefits that they can take with them wherever they move. Extending to Social Security to all workers would be a step in the right direction.

     

  • Reasonable people can disagree about pension policy. It’s a complicated issue with tradeoffs that are both politically and substantively tricky. But the issue is too important to millions of teachers to let the usual “say anything” approach to education policy issues cloud the debate. That’s why it’s worth unpacking an op-ed by the National Public Pension Coalition’s Bailey Childers responding to our recent studies on teacher pensions. From start to finish her piece is half-truths, sleight of hand, and mud-slinging.  We have to do better.

    The piece is entitled, “Why Is An Enron Billionaire Trying To Keep Teachers From Retiring?” That’s a bad sign right there. Presumably she’s referencing John Arnold, whose foundation supports pension reform, along with criminal justice reform, evidence-based policymaking, and other issues. (I guess “Why Is An Enron Billionaire Trying To Make Sure Fewer Innocent People Go To Prison?” doesn’t pack the same emotional punch.) In any event,  Arnold did work at Enron, but he not only got a clean bill of health from his time there, prosecutors actually recommended that he testify before Congress on financial integrity issues. I don’t much care for the Enron saga, either, but it’s irrelevant. Arnold actually made his billions elsewhere – he ran a successful hedge fund before retiring. Perhaps John Arnold is wrong on pensions, or wrong to support our work on the issue, but that has nothing to do with Enron.

    Childers then writes:

    I remember the first time I had to grapple with death as a young child. A teacher, understanding the pain I was going through, gave me a copy of The Giving Tree to help me learn how to process love and loss in life. To this day it remains one of my favorite books and a heartwarming reminder of how teachers are so much more than just teachers. They leave a mark on our lives. Whether your teacher made a difficult concept click, a formula stick, or your heart tick with a new passion, there's no denying teachers' essential role in a functioning and enterprising society. That's why it's so important to create an environment that enables the best educators to enter and stay in the field.

    As even a quick look at our work shows, we agree on this! Teachers are the largest class of college-educated workers, and, with more than 3 million public school teachers, their retirement security is important not just to individual teachers but to all of us. That's why the current system, which results in only one in five teachers earning a full pension and fewer than half earning any pension at all is a big problem. You read that right, Childers is fighting against reforming a system that right now only really works for one-in-five teachers, and arguably not even that well for those teachers.

    For generations, defined benefit pensions have been a key component of compensation packages intended to attract and keep the most talented teachers in our public schools. For the teachers who love the job, these plans have delivered modest but reliable retirement income and the job retention incentive has provided stability to classrooms across the nation. Considering the enormous responsibility teachers bear, it's a solid and necessary investment. But now, anti-pension ideologues behind a concerted effort to diminish retirement security for all public workers have tried to spread misinformation about retirement systems for teachers. No one should buy into these misleading claims.

    This is a nice idea but unfortunately Childers is wrong about pensions as a retention incentive. Pensions do have an effect on the small group of workers very close to retirement, that shows up clearly in the data and those incentives are good and bad. For instance pension policies create incentives for good teachers to retire from teaching even when they could continue to do great work for many more years. But academic researchers have been unable to find much effect for other groups of workers, including the majority who leave the profession before qualifying for sufficient retirement benefits. Unfortunately, the evidence shows that early-career workers are generally insensitive to retirement benefits – a problem in today’s do-it-yourself retirement environment.

    Two organizations, Bellwether Education Partners and the Urban Institute, both funded by Enron-billionaire John Arnold's foundation, recently put out two separate reports that they say point to a fault in teachers' retirement savings systems nationwide. Neither report has gotten a lot of traction because they are chock full of conflations and straight up lies. The report authors misrepresent the basics of a pension system to make a disingenuous argument that young teachers are paying for benefits for older and retired teachers that they will never see themselves. They punctuate their point with unrealistically high teacher turnover rates that lack citation.

    Just judge the two reports for yourself.  But we take a different methodology than Childers in that we rely on actual data to make our arguments. As we document in the briefs, our findings are based on each state’s actuarial calculations that they use to estimate their own future liabilities. If Childers takes issue that only about half of all new teachers will qualify for any pension at all, and less than one-in-five will stick around long enough to qualify for a decent retirement, she should take it up with her coalition’s members. 

    The release of the reports is a desperate attempt to pit young teachers against those who are further into their careers, and then strip all teachers of their retirement security. We would all be better off if the reports focused on actually improving teacher pay and increasing support for new teachers rather than distorting the facts to build a case for risky 401(k)-style plans.

    Unlike Childers, we think ALL teachers deserve a path to a decent retirement, not one that privileges a small minority. Unfortunately, pension advocates like Childers have been so intent on preserving the structure of traditional pension plans that they’ve been willing to compromise on dramatic cuts for new workers. As we found in another paper, in terms of retirement benefits, now is the worst time in 30 years to become a teacher. We don’t think that’s good for the profession as a whole, and it’s certainly not good for those workers. As our other work shows we also think there are variety of ways to reform pensions and the 401k versus pensions argument is a phony choice.

    401(k)-style, or defined contribution plans, are a bad deal for both taxpayers and teachers. Research shows that it costs almost twice as much to provide a worker with the same level of benefits using a 401(k) than it does with a defined benefit plan. In fact, 401(k)-style plans primarily benefit Wall Street bankers, who take much higher fees for themselves.

    There’s no magic behind pension plan investments: They carry some of the same costs and fees as other investments. And a recent analysis found that pension plans are no more efficient than the average defined contribution plan. In fact, private-sector retirement plans have dramatically cut costs over the years as they’ve expanded offerings of low-fee index funds and life-cycle funds. At the same time, public-sector pensions have piled into “alternative” investments in private equity, often with high and obscure fee arrangements.

    It may be convenient for Childers to paint with a broad brush, but we’re not ideologues on what alternative plans might look like – nor are most serious analysts doing work on these issues. We’ve championed hybrid plans from Washington State and the federal government; we’ve argued that all teachers should be covered by Social Security (a protection Childers’ organization won’t endorse, which is one reason 40 percent of teachers are not covered by our nation’s most successful social insurance program while they are teaching); and we think an alternative structure called “cash balance” plans could provide a more stable, secure retirement path for all teachers. Our focus is on ensuring that all workers are enrolled in a plan that helps put them on a path toward retirement security, no matter where life takes them.

    While it's true that some teacher retirement systems are still recovering--retirement systems across the board took a hard hit during the Great Recession--the bulk of them are in good standing. The Wisconsin Retirement System, for example, is fully funded and has been for more than 10 years. North Carolina's teacher pensions are funded at 95 percent. New York's are funded at 93 percent. And the Center for Retirement Research at Boston College recently projected that public pension systems nationwide will reach an average funding level of 80.5 percent by 2018.

    We’ve made the exact same point ourselves. It’s misleading to paint the fiscal solvency of state pension funds with a broad brush. Unfortunately, Childers, who should be a champion of workers, is talking about the financial health of the pension plans writ large. As I’ve written, pension plans can be well-funded but still provide stingy benefits for workers. New York, for example, is relatively well-funded but it requires new teachers to wait 10 years before qualifying for any pension benefit. A ten-year vesting period would be illegal in the private sector and it harms workers. Based on the state’s data we estimate that only  40 percent of New York teachers will actually earn a pension from their well-funded pension plan.

    Instead of so-called reforms that would decimate teachers' retirement savings, we should be looking for ways to keep good teachers in the classroom. Retirement security is a critical part of making teaching a more rewarding career, and traditional pensions are simply the best and most cost-efficient tool available to provide it.

    Again, we agree. Retention of good teachers must be a policy priority. But pensions are an ineffectual and inefficient way to accomplish this goal. So while it’s a great talking point in practice the actual policy challenges of pensions work at cross-purposes with that goal. Pensions face a political problem of getting politicians to pay for their promises and this leads large pension debts that make state budgets unstable. In turn, that volatility trickles down to schools in the form of rising and unpredictable pension costs. None of this helps retain (or reward) good teachers.

    By pooling and professionally managing retirement assets, teachers and taxpayers benefit from a more economically efficient system where retirees can continue to receive the same level of benefits whether the markets are in a boom or bust period. All said, defined benefit plans yield the best returns in the long term and offer the financial security and peace of mind that we can all agree our teachers deserve.

    It’s true that pensions protect workers from boom or bust periods, but pensions carry their own risk. In the median state, teachers must wait 25 years before their pension is finally worth more than their own contributions plus interest. Their risk is that life will get in the way, and they won’t stick around long enough to reap the rewards of the pension promise.

    The claims of the many so-called free market advocates simply don't add up. You can't credibly claim that markets work, that good teachers lead to good educational outcomes, and then propose cutting pay and benefits. But that is the argument they make over and over again.

    Another good talking point at odds with the reality. For our part, you won’t find a mention of “free markets” in our pension work. Our work is animated by today’s poorly structured pension plans that work at cross purposes with the larger goals of our education system and the challenges of providing a secure retirement for millions of Americans. In fact, schools could offer better benefits and higher salaries if we responsibly dealt with how to pay off existing pension debt and obligations rather than putting it on the backs of new teachers.

    What these two reports really show is that John Arnold and his surrogates will do anything to propel their misguided efforts to undermine working peoples' futures, even going after those, like teachers, who dedicate their lives to making a difference in our communities.

    John Arnold can speak for himself. For our part, we just think teachers deserve a lot better than this. Especially from people purporting to represent their interests.  

  • Each year, around 150,000 new teachers are hired to work in American public schools. Those teachers might not pay much attention to their retirement except to note that they're enrolled in their state's pension plan. A "pension plan" sounds good, safe, and secure, much better than "risky" 401k plans typically offered in the private sector. 

    This is a dangerous and flawed misperception. Of the 150,000 new teachers, slightly more than half won't stick around long enough to qualify for the pension they were promised. They'll get their own contributions back, but in most states, they won't earn any interest on those contributions, and they won't be eligible for any of the sizable contributions their employers made on their behalf.

    These teachers are worse off than if they had been in a 401k plan. The federal government has laws governing private-sector retirement plans to ensure that workers start earning retirement benefits early in their careers, but those laws do not cover state and local governments. Teachers are left exposed to the whims of state legislators, and during tight budget times, states cut benefits for new teachers. Today, nearly every state makes teachers wait longer to qualify for their pension than private-sector workers wait for employer benefits from 401k plans. Four states require seven- or eight-year waiting periods (called "vesting" requirements) and 15 states, including populous ones like Illinois, Maryland, New Jersey, and New York, withhold all employer contributions for teachers until 10 years of service. In these states, teachers could work up to nine years without any form of employer-provided retirement savings. This would be illegal in the private sector. 

    Teachers are often told they're trading lower salaries while they work for higher job security and more generous benefits. But that trade only works well for teachers who actually stick around until retirement. Most don't. Most teachers get the worst of both worlds—they earn lower salaries while they work and they forfeit thousands of dollars in lost retirement savings when they leave. Check out our report, Hidden Penalties, to see how many teachers are affected in your state and how much they're losing. 

  • L.A. Times columnist Michael Hiltzik's has a new piece on California teacher pensions, and like his last one, it's extremely unrepresentative of California's actual teaching workforce. His argument mainly breaks down because he's dealing in the theory behind pensions without troubling himself with how pensions actually work in practice. 

    Let's start where Hiltzik starts, with the anecdote of 61-year-old Lisa Chattler, who has worked in California public schools for 34 years and is beginning to think about retirement. According to Hiltzik, she'll have an annual pension worth about $100,000, payable in monthly installments until death. That pension will increase 2 percent a year every year, regardless of inflation.

    Hiltzik portrays $100,000 a year in retirement as sort of modest, especially because Chattler, like other California teachers, did not participate in Social Security.* But it's not meager at all. Using a simple online calculator, it turns out that Chattler's annuity is worth about $2.7 million. That's a lot of money! Now, Chattler has been a hard-working public servant for a very long time, and she deserves a decent retirement. But given the value of her guaranteed retirement payments, she's an odd example for Hiltzik to worry about. 

    Later in the piece Hiltzik attempts to quantify how many Ms. Chattlers there are in California, and this is where he goes entirely off the rails. He cites Nari Rhee, a researcher at UC Berkeley who formerly worked at a pension advocacy group, saying we shouldn't worry too much about backloaded pension plans because, she estimates, about half of all California teachers stay at least 30 years. This is dead, flat wrong. Nationwide, only 7.3 percent of all public school teachers have taught for at least 30 years. In California, the figure is 7.4 percent.** Rhee's estimate of 50 percent is almost 7 times too high. 

    Getting this stuff wrong matters a great deal. It's easier to dismiss the concerns that pensions are unfair if you don't think too many people are being hurt by them. 

    Hiltzik actually provides a good example of this when he cites the case of a 17-year veteran of San Francisco public schools named Patricia Arian. Arian will qualify for a pension worth only about 41 percent of her salary (as compared to Chattler's 90%), and she's worried this won't be enough to live in high-cost San Francisco. Hiltzik isn't too worried about Arian, but I can't help but wonder if his calculus would change if he knew that 72 percent of California teachers** have less experience, and thus lower pensions, than Arian. 

    Hiltzik doesn't seem to mind that the system is specifically designed this way. In fact, he calls it a "feature, not a bug" that some small minority of educators receive quite generous benefits while everyone else gets much less. I think that's wrong, unfair, and leaves too many teachers with inadequeate benefits. I hope Hiltzik will see the data and reconsider.  

    *Chattler is actually a speech and language pathologist, but she's enrolled in the same CalSTRS pension plan as California teachers. 

    **These figures come from NCES' 2011-12 Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS). I suspect Rhee is using CalSTRS' estimates of teacher turnover rates, which we have used in the past to estimate the percentage of teachers who will reach various pension milestones, but there are a few flaws with using those here. One, the turnover rates are merely estimates whereas the SASS figures provide a snapshot from a representative sample. Two, the turnover rate tables are much more accurate for shorter time periods than the longer ones here. And three, Rhee's calculation understates the rate of total turnover because it does not include teachers who leave the profession for early retirement, death, or disability.